Summary:
The Indo-Pacific has emerged as the central arena of twenty first century geopolitics due to itsstrategic maritime trade corridors, global trade routes and expanding naval competition. The growing importance of the Indian Ocean, the Red Sea and interconnected maritime chokepoints has elevated the role of BRICS as an emerging geopolitical and economic actor in maritime governance. The expansion of BRICS to include Egypt, Iran, the United Arab Emirates and Ethiopia have strengthened the grouping’s influence significantly over critical maritime routes such as the Suez Canal, Bab-El-Mandeb Strait and Strait of Hormuz.
This Issue brief will examine the evolving relationship between BRICS, maritime connectivity and the broader contest for Indo-Pacific influence through the lens of International Relations (IR) theories such as Realism, Liberal Institutionalism and Constructivism. While BRICS provides opportunities for multipolar cooperation, economic integration and maritime security coordination, several internal strategic rivalries – particularly between India and China- continue to constrain institutional cohesion. This brief will also argue that the future of BRICS maritime cooperation will depend on its ability to balance geopolitical competition with collaborative regional governance while accommodating India’s strategic interest in the Indo-Pacific.
1.Introduction:
The Indo-Pacific has become one of the most strategically significant geopolitical regions in contemporary international relations. The region is home to major Sea Lanes of Communications (SLOs), energy transit routes and maritime chokepoints essential for global trade and economic stability. Nearly 90% of global trade by volume is transported through maritime routes, making control and security of these corridors important to both regional and global powers.
The growing prominence of BRICS in maritime affairs reflects broader transformations in global power structures and the gradual emergence of multipolarity. Originally established as an economic grouping between Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, BRICS has expanded both strategically and geographically through the inclusion of Egypt, Iran, Ethiopia and the United Arab Emirates. These additions have enhanced BRICS influence across key maritime corridors connecting the Indo-Pacific, Red Sea, Persian Gulf and Atlantic Regions. From a Realist perspective maritime corridors represent instruments of strategic competition and power projection, while Liberal Institutionalism emphasizes the role of multilateral cooperation in ensuring maritime security and economic connectivity. Constructive approach further highlights how strategic narratives such as “Free and Indo-Pacific” and “Global South Solidarity” shape regional politics.
2.Background:
Historically, maritime power has played a decisive role in shaping global political and economical systems. Alfred Thayer Mahan’s theory of Sea Power argued that nations controlling strategic maritime routes and naval capabilities would dominate international politics. In contemporary era, the Indo-Pacific has become a prime example of how maritime influence determines geopolitical relevance. The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) serves as a crucial link connecting Asia, Europe, Africa and the Middle East. Critical chokepoints such as the Strait of Hormuz, Bab-El-Mandeb Strait, Suez Canal and the Strait of Malacca facilitate the movement of energy supplies, commercial goods and military assets, Disruptions in these corridors can immediately affect global markets and regional stability.
China’s economic and military rise has intensified maritime competition in the Indo-Pacific. Through initiatives such as Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Maritime Silk Road Strategy, China has invested heavily in ports and infrastructure projects across Gwadar (Pakistan), Hambantota (Sri Lanka), Djibouti and East Africa. Realist scholars interpret these developments as attempts to expand strategic influence and secure energy supply chains. India simultaneously has advanced it’s Indo-Pacific vision through strategic initiatives such as SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region), the Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI) and growing partnerships with QUAD members like Japan, the United States and Australia. Additionally, India’s geographic location provides significant strategic leverage over Indian Ocean sea lanes.
The expansion of BRICS in 2024-2025 altered the organization’s maritime profile. Egypt’s control of the Suez Canal, Iran’s proximity in the Strait of Hormuz and the UAE’s logistical infrastructure has collectively increased BRICS’ strategic reach over global trade routes. The 2021 Ever Given incident in the Suez Canal demonstrated the vulnerability of maritime supply chains and reinforced the importance of maritime governance.
3.Key Issues/ Analysis:
3.1 Political Dimension
The Indo-Pacific has become a central arena of geopolitical rivalry between established and emerging powers. From a Realist perspective, maritime corridors function as instruments of power projection and strategic dominance. China aims to secure long term geopolitical dominance in the region which can be seen through its overseas infrastructure investments. China’s Maritime Silk Road has facilitated port development projects across the Indian Ocean and Red Sea regions. These investments hence provide Beijing with economic leverage while increasing its access to maritime routes. India on one side views these developments as elements of a broader “String of Pearls” strategy surrounding India with Chinese strategic assets.Despite these tensions, BRICS serve as a diplomatic platform enabling dialogue between competing regional powers. The grouping reflects broader efforts by emerging economies to challenge Western dominance in global governance institutions and promote multipolarity. Constructivist theory helps understand how differing strategic narratives shape Indo Pacific politics. India promotes an inclusive Indo-Pacific framework based on international law and Freedom of navigation, whereas China advocates connectivity-driven regional integration through BRI. These contrasting visions influence BRICS internal dynamics and limit the emergence of a unified maritime strategy.
3.2 Economic Dimension
Maritime corridors remain essential to global trade and economic growth. The Indo-Pacific region contains most of the important and critical commercial routes, where in trade of manufactured goods, energy supplies and raw materials are transported. The expansion of BRICS has strengthened the organizations economic influence over global maritime trade. Egypt controls the Suez Canal through which approximately 12 percent of global trade passes annually.
Iran’s occupies a strategic location near the Strait of Hormuz, a key global energy transit route. The UAE acts as a major logistics and shipping hub connectingAsia, Europe and Africa. China’s BRI initiative reflects Liberal Institutionalist assumptions regarding economic interdependence and infrastructure connectivity. However, critics argue that BRI projects often generate strategic dependencies and increase Chinese geopolitical leverage. India has responded through alternative connectivity frameworks such as the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and the India Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC). These initiatives seek to diversify trade routes and reduce dependence on Chinese-controlled infrastructure networks. BRICS therefore represents both an opportunity for economic cooperation and a platform for competing connectivity models.
3.3 Security Dimension
Security concerns increasingly dominate Indo-Pacific maritime politics. Piracy, terrorism, naval militarization, illegal trafficking and regional conflicts threaten maritime stability and global supply chains. China has significantly expanded the operational reach of the People’s Liberation Army Plan (PLAN) through anti-piracy deployments, overseas logistics facilities and naval exercises. Its military base in Djibouti reflects growing Chinese security ambitions in the western
Indian Ocean. India has strengthened its naval capabilities through modernization programs and strategic partnerships with QUAD countries. The QUAD increasingly focuses on maritime domain awareness, disaster response and freedom of navigation operations.From a Realist perspective, these developments represents balancing behaviour within an anarchic international system. States seek security by expanding naval capabilities and strategic partnerships. Liberal Institutionalism emphasizes cooperative security mechanisms. BRICS discussions regarding anti-piracy coordination, maritime security dialogue and humanitarian assistance indicate the possibility of institutionalized maritime cooperation. Yet, strategic mistrust between India and China continues to limit meaningful collective arrangements.
3.4 Regional and Global Dimension
The Indo-Pacific Contest expands beyond regional rivalries and reflects broader transformations in global order. The United States, European Union, India, Japan and Australia all seek influence over maritime governance and regional connectivity. The expansion of BRICS has enhanced the organization’s role as a representative platform for Global South. The inclusion of countries from the Red Sea, Persian Gulf and Africa has expanded BRICS influence across interconnected maritime regions. Constructivist approaches explain how ideas of multipolarity and strategic autonomy shape BRICS diplomacy. Member states increasingly emphasize reducing dependence on Western-led institutions and promoting alternative governance structures. Regional conflicts have been one of the major challenges in BRICS framework. Particularly strained relationships between China and India have shown to be a major barrier in further implementation.
4.India’s Stakes:
India possesses major strategic, economic and security interests in the Indo-Pacific maritime domain. A significant portion of India’s trade and energy imports pass through the Indian Ocean and surrounding chokepoints. Ensuring maritime security is essential for India’s economic stability and national security.
India also seeks to maintain its position as the primary security provider in the Indian OceanRegion. Chinese naval expansion and infrastructure investments near India’s maritime neighbourhood are viewed as direct strategic challenges. At the same time, BRICS offer opportunities for India such as South-South Cooperation, infrastructure financing and diplomatic engagement with emerging economies. India supports multipolarity and reforms in international governance institutions, both of which align with BRICS objectives.
India therefore adopts a balancing strategy. While cooperating with China within BRICS frameworks, India strengthens partnerships with QUAD countries and Indo-Pacific allies. This reflects a strategy of maintaining strategic autonomy while counterbalancing Chinese influence.
5.Challenges:
Several challenges limit the emergence of a cohesive BRICS-led maritime order. First, geopolitical rivalry between India and China remains the most significant obstacle. Border disputes, strategic mistrust and naval competition continue to shape bilateral relations.
Second, BRICS lacks formal institutional mechanisms for maritime governance and collective security coordination. Its loose organizational structure reduces implementation capacity.
Third, competing infrastructure initiatives such as China’s BRI and India backed corridors create economic fragmentation rather than integration.
Fourth, instability in regions such as Red Sea and Persian Gulf threatens maritime trade routes and increase security risks.
6.Recommendations:
BRICS should establish a permanent maritime coordination mechanism focused on maritime domain awareness, anti-piracy operations and information sharing. Institutionalized dialogue would strengthen trust and policy coordination among member states.
Second, BRICS countries should conduct joint humanitarian assistance and disaster relief exercises to build operational cooperation without escalating geopolitical tensions.
Third, India and China should develop maritime confidence-building measures including naval communication channels and crisis management frameworks to reduce the risk of confrontation in the Indian Ocean.
Fourth, BRICS should promote transparent and sustainable infrastructure standards to reduce concerns regarding debt dependency and strategic coercion.
Finally, cooperation with regional cooperations such as ASEAN and Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) should be strengthened to ensure inclusive maritime governance.
7.Conclusion:
The contest for Indo-Pacific influence revolves mainly around maritime corridors, connectivity projects and naval power projection. BRICS has emerged as an important actor in this evolving geopolitical environment due to its expanded geographic reach and growing influence over strategic trade routes.
However, internal geopolitical rivalries, between India and China, continue to constrain the development of a cohesive BRICS maritime framework. While the organization possesses significant economic and geopolitical potential, its effectiveness will depend on institutional cooperation, strategic trust and inclusive governance mechanisms.
For India, the Indo-Pacific remains central to national security, economic growth and regional leadership. India’s ability to balance cooperation within BRICS alongside Indo-Pacific partnerships will play a crucial role in shaping the future regional order and maritime stability.